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Silver Spring Hotel, Nairobi Kenya May 31st, 2009
Since 1991, the search for a post-Siyad Barre State has taken many forms with mixed results. The contest for power between the different forces continues to exert its toll in humanitarian terms. A large segment of the Somali Society is dispersed around the world while the other continues to wallow in uncertainty characterized by mutating forms of violence. The International Community continues to employ a number of strategies that have so far failed to give birth to a viable state. Among the Intellectuals and civil society at large, the cycle of violence continues to raise apprehension. That the Somali society is suffering from dislocation has never been in doubt. What is perhaps the question of the moment is what it will take to reconcile this society.
The National Civic Forum- an independent non-profit Organization – founded in 2004by respected Somali Professionals and Scholars has engaged creatively in all the processes that have been conceived to explore peace and reconciliation. The NCF therefore supports all stakeholders in their efforts to establish and advocate for an effective mechanism for local, regional, national authority and international community and for the respect of human rights and development. The NCF sought to explore the issue of reconciliation within the Somali Society and therefore convened roundtable in Nairobi on November 26th in order that the participants – drawn from diverse sectors debate the meaning and the process of reconciliation. The Forum also had the aim of carrying out an analytical overview of what ails Somalia.
The Forum deliberated on the theme and came up with the following recommendations:
- Security in Somalia and more so in Mogadishu, is important and it should be the government’s domain and primary responsibility to take care of first to form a security sector and take on with all other social services after that.
- AMISOM’s role must change into one of peacekeeping and peacemaking. It should also train a national police force and a national army as part of its institutional-building efforts.
- Reconciliation is an open process. It must not start from scratch and the government must be central to its processes and at all levels. It must be noted that the government and the opposition are in no ay equal partners.
- The constitutional-making process must be Somali-owned; it must comply with Sharia law and must address all actors’ needs, interests and aspirations including the federalism vs. centralization debate. Sharia law is a complete way of life and this must be appreciated by Somalis and non-Somalis alike.
- There is need to support the government with institutional budgetary and infrastructure support.
- Although it is not yet the ripe moment of the Somali conflict to resolve, it is about power struggle and it also has an ideological dimension, and …
- Finally, the international community must align its support along Somali needs, priorities, and aspirations.
2.0 BACKGROUND
Somalia has been without functioning state authority for seventeen years. Steeped in internecine violent confrontations, the premium of life has been severely undermined. The population of Somalia is almost evenly distributed between those who remain within in an existence that has few parallels in the world and those in the Refugee camps and the Diaspora at large. An insurgency that followed the ouster of the Union of Islamic Courts Administration continues to claim victories against the combined forces of the Transitional Federal Government and the Ethiopian occupation Forces. The African Union maintains a token Peace Keeping Force in the Country with almost no hope that an International Force will be deployed in the near future to maintain, if not make peace for Somalis. Since the ouster of the Siyad Barre Regime, many localized governance systems have emerged with interspersed attempts for the re-establishment of the Somali State through Peace Talks and Conferences. The Arta talks produced the Transitional National Government (TNG) which was unable to stamp its Authority beyond Mogadishu. The Eldoret/Nairobi Peace and reconciliation process culminated in the formation of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) whose Mandate is drawing to a close without its having succeeded to operate effectively beyond Baidoa where its seat is currently located which was in turn replaced with a coalition government made up of the more moderate Islamists led by the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS) Djibouti wing and remnants of the former TFG-
A vibrant Civil Society and an innovative Market Sector, have by and large, maintained the semblance of continuity within the Somali Society ensuring the supply and flow of goods and services in a manner that neither the TNG nor the TFG could ever be relied upon to fulfill. Indeed, Education, Health care, Telecommunication, water supply, electricity, Relief supplies for the poorer sections of Society and above all, connections with the outside world, have been provided to the credit of the ingenuity and resilience of the Civil Society and the business community. While the civil society continues to relentlessly campaign for peace, it does not have the where-with-all to provide security and guarantee the safety of the individual Somalis going around their every day business. Hence, the Civil Society through a number of its front-line Organizations and Institutions have continued to work tirelessly towards the attainment of a viable Somali State by providing intellectual back-up to the many peace initiatives that have been undertaken towards this end.
3.0 INTRODUCTION
The National Civic Forum (NCF) was founded in September 2004 as an independent non-profit Organization by respected Somali Professionals and Scholars who met during that month from 20th to 24th to ponder on the situation in Somalia and to creatively provide the necessary support to the on-going peace process. The NCF set for itself the Mission to generate creative ideas that will assist in the establishment of a democratic political order, durable peace, justice, rule of law, and sustainable development.
Further more, the NCF aims to:
a. Generate ideas relevant to the Transitional Federal Government’s mandated period and beyond; and to make the ideas the basis for new public debates and discussions on the welfare of the Somali people.
b. Disseminate these ideas through the mass media and publications
c. Persistently and positively engage the Transitional Federal government, the Somali Society, and International community, particularly those interested in the welfare of the Somali Republic.
NCF therefore supports all stakeholders in their efforts to establish and advocate for an effective mechanism for local, regional, national authority and international community and for the respect of human rights and development.
4.0 METHODOLOGY
4.1 Objectives
The forum aimed to facilitate the free participation of civics on “Somalia: Security and other key transitional tasks” from a Somali perspective. NCF strived to work towards its mission and core values and that whatever discussed went in line with Somali needs, aspirations and priorities.
4.2 Forum participants
All the participants invited were professionals with a strong standing in the civil Society and with diverse experiences from both within Somalia and the Diaspora. The Somali Diaspora in Nairobi was also represented by a good number of civics.
4.3 The Venue
The Silver Spring Hotel in Nairobi where the forum took place afforded the participants a peaceful and quiet atmosphere for intense discussions.
4.4 Theme and forum deliberations
The theme of “Somalia: Security and other key transitional tasks” resonated very well with the participants. It was timely and very relevant. Under this theme, the participants agreed an disagreed on the definition of security and whose responsibility it was. This set the pace of the forum and the deliberations that followed.
5.0 CONCLUSIONS
The half-day forum held at the Silver Springs Hotel, Nairobi discussed “Somalia: Security and other key transitional tasks” including those waiting for the new Transitional Government of National Unity (TGNU). The group which represented a wide spectrum of Somali society from intellectuals, to civics, to women, to youth, to politicians started with the identification of a number of key transitional tasks and came up with reconciliation, constitution-making, and institution-building as key issues to look at during the TGNU’s term. There were a number of valid arguments made by the participants for and against the issues discussed. However, a consensus was made on the fact that while dialogue is important security was more important and that it should not be compromised with dialogue. The following sections provide a detailed account of the deliberations and list the policy options as recommended by the participants.
5.1 Deliberations
The forum participants deliberated on the forum’s theme “Somalia: Security and Other Key Transitional Tasks” and came up with the following key points:-
- There is no difference between the government and the armed opposition groups fighting the government.
- National security needs both the knowledge base and the economic base for a force to form.
- Dialogue is always important but there must be the option to use force if it fails.
- The Somali crisis more of a political problem than a security problem and therefore there is a need for a constitution which is based on a consensus and which mirrors Somali actors’ needs and priorities.
- There are a number of countries that we can borrow ideas from in terms of security sector formation among them Sierra Leone, Bosnia, Liberia, Iraq, Afghanistan etc.
- Reconciliation must target both the national and the regional levels at the same time.
- The constitutional debate has two dimensions: those who advocate for Sharia compliance and those who are for specific system of governance, i.e. federalism vs. centralized models.
- It is high time for transitional arrangements to come to an end in Somalia once and for all. The TGNU’s term must end with elections that give us a new government for Somalia.
- There is a need for infrastructure support and a change of government: a new leadership will give us a new blood.
- One other key problem in the Somali crisis is the concept of 4.5 clan system. The .5 should have been elevated to a full share; at least a group of Somalis would have seen justice.
- Civil society organizations (CSOs) played roles both in times of peace and conflict. Their inclusion of over 50 members to the expanded parliament tainted its neutral role as the binding glue in Somali affairs. There is a definitional problem with the term CSOs bringing the argument whether CSOs exist at all.
- The security system of Siyad Barre’s government was the best so far. We need to see a government which is in control especially if dialogue fails. There also must be regulatory and control mechanisms.
- Use of force is necessary.
- Reconciliation needs willing parties which we do not see in the country’s political circle especially in the recent conflicts in Mogadishu, the capital. Reconciliation by whom? And for who? There is also a need for the Somalisation o foreign terms! The Djibouti-led Arta peace process was the best so far. All other processes were more of power-sharing and not about peace for Somalia.
- There is a need to support the government’s security sector formation and security sector reforms in other regional entities in the north.
- Sharia is an issue in the constitution and it also needs to take into account the needs of all the Somali clans and clan groupings.
- There also must be a division of labour on security matters: while security has been the domain of all, i.e. the government, CSOs, and the general public, it should only be the government which is mandated.
- For the government to gain public confidence and take over security it must also take care of basic social services, for example water, sanitation, education, health among others.
- Among key opposition demands are: Ethiopia’s withdrawal, a new government, Sharia, and the withdrawal of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Interestingly enough, their demands are not stable and from this thinking, it is the “chicken and egg” problem.
- Constitutional-making is an ongoing process and it must address all issues and concerns. Sharia is not about chopping off hands and floggings in public: it is a complete way of life.
- Civic responsibility is a must for Somalia to get peace.
- There must be systems in place; the Charter must be made Sharia-complaint: and there should be no security without justice.
- There are a number of actors engaged in security and insecurity in Somalia: the TNGU, armed groups, the pirates, and CSOs making the country an all actors scene.
- AMISIOM is very important but they need to go beyond a peace support mission and instead turned into a peace-keeping and peace-making mission.
- Each and every Somali actor matters including Hisbul Islam, Alshabab, and Ahl Sunna since there are implications for the government to deny the existence of these groups. Hisbul Islam is in search of recognition, nothing else: while we do not know where the Ahl Sunna group stands with regard to which group it supports. The UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) and other internationals are now in contact with Hisbul Islam making Alshabab the most difficult actor to deal with.
- In addition to the armed insurgency, the international community also had a role in Ethiopia’s withdrawal. AMISOM came though dialogue and it is only through the same that it should withdraw. There must be reconciliation, a functioning security systems and a government before they can withdraw. In this case, AMISIOM must engage itself in training a Somali police service and a national army. They should also help the government with disarmament, demobilization and re-integration (DDR) at least in Mogadishu, the capital.
- There are other challenges facing the constitution-making process among them the fact that it is not inclusive, ‘Somaliland’ has a constitution of its own while ‘Puntland’ is about to pass one anytime now. All Somali actors including these two regions must be consulted with on the process.
- The TGNU must also have a vision, values and policies to follow and align with. There is none so far.
- There is no need for reconciliation. Reconciliation begets only transitional arrangements and we need to avoid this. This government must be the one which would end all transitions once and for all.
- The government must engage all actors from armed opposition, to non-armed opposition, to CSOs. Reconciliation must be an open process that each and every Somali actor can join in if and when they see fit. Reconciliation must also not start from scratch and the government must be central to all its processes and levels from grassroots to the regional to the national levels.
- We should look for nabad (peace) and caano (milk) and avoid col (war) and abaar (drought or poverty)!
- Foreign interference and/or interventions have been central to the Somali crisis. These interferences have also been aimless from the Four Power Commission to the Colonialists to the Cold War era of Somalia’s share of its international dealings; none of them was coordinated with any other.
- There is war between “self” and “common” interests of the Somali actors. This means that there is no sense of Somali nationalism. There is also poverty of leadership among the Somalis. In addition, there is injustice that all existing peace processes are based and this is the concept of 4.5 clan system.
- Reconciliation is about peace.
- NCF forums need to go beyond their current nature of “fadhi ku dirir casriyeysan” and get to work by engaging Somali actors.
- The warlords were better than the current religious faction leaders who are fighting in today’s Somalia.
- It is not yet the ripe moment for the Somali conflict to resolve.
- The current political culture in Somalia is not a good one. It is clan-based and needs to move beyond emotions.
- The root causes of the Somali conflict is about injustice, clan-based leadership and about inequality among the Somalis. There is also no nation-state system.
The Somali people’s perception of a government is about resources. This perception must change and the government must be supported and the opposition disempowered.
6.0 RECOMMENDATIONS
The participants drew a number of conclusions from their deliberations with the following trying to capture the most important of all:
- Security in Somalia and more so in Mogadishu, is important and it should be the government’s domain and primary responsibility to take care of first to form a security sector and take on with all other social services after that.
- AMISOM’s role must change into one of peacekeeping and peacemaking. It should also train a national police force and a national army as part of its institutional-building efforts.
- Reconciliation is an open process. It must not start from scratch and the government must be central to its processes and at all levels. It must be noted that the government and the opposition are in no ay equal partners.
- The constitutional-making process must be Somali-owned; it must comply with Sharia law and must address all actors’ needs, interests and aspirations including the federalism vs. centralisation debate. Sharia law is a complete way of life and this must be appreciated by Somalis and non-Somalis alike.
- There is need to support the government with institutional budgetary and infrastructure support.
- Although it is not yet the ripe moment of the Somali conflict to resolve, it is about power struggle and it also has an ideological dimension.
- Finally, the international community must align its support along Somali needs, priorities, and aspirations.
7.0 NEXT STEPS
1. NCF will follow up on the “call for peace” at the Panel discussion held a day earlier and distribute it widely. It will also engage policy makers and decision influencers on the key issues raised during the forum.
8.0 Annex: Program time table
NCF
National Civic Forum
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Agenda
Somalia: Security and other Key Transitional Tasks
Venue: Silver Springs Hotel, Nairobi – Kenya
Date: May 31, 2009
Time: 3:00 pm – 6: 30 pm
Time | Forum Proceedings |
3:00 – 3:30 pm | Registration, opening remarks & introduction |
3:30 – 4:00 pm | Briefing and updates relevant to the agenda |
4:00 – 4:15 pm | Prayer and Tea-Break |
4:15 – 5:45 pm | Plenary forum discussions on security and other transitional tasks |
5:45 – 6:15 pm | Conclusion and Recommendations |
6:15 – 6:30 pm | Wrap-up and closing remarks |